Ahmedur Chowdhury: July 36 and Bangla Spring: Bangladesh's Student Uprising for Democracy

On August 5, 2024, a month-long student movement in Bangladesh culminated in a successful mass coup. The student movement was initially organized in response to discriminatory recruitment policies in government jobs. The students declared August 5 as "July 36" to mark their protest, persecution, and the attacks and sacrifices made during the month of July, counting the days July 31, July 32, July 33, and onwards. Some refer to this movement and mass uprising as the "Bangla Spring." In resisting the student movement, Sheikh Hasina’s government adopted brutal measures, disregarding the students’ concerns. The law enforcement forces and the ruling Awami League’s student organization used force to attack the protesting students in an attempt to suppress the movement. This violence injured many ordinary students, and the movement spread across the country. However, the government’s brutality only intensified as they attempted to crush the movement, leading to indiscriminate firing and killings. In response to this massacre, the anti-discrimination student movement transformed into a mass movement aimed at overthrowing the authoritarian ruler, Sheikh Hasina. According to the United Nations, 650 people were killed in the protests, though many believe the actual number may be much higher. As a result of the popular uprising on August 5, Sheikh Hasina, the longest-serving authoritarian ruler in the history of Bangladesh, was forced to flee by helicopter to the neighboring country of India. This kind of student uprising is rare in the history of Bangladesh. In no previous movement were so many lives lost, so many students injured, and so much blood shed at the hands of law enforcement and the government political party’s student organization, all under government orders.

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Historical Context: The Liberation War and Ongoing Struggles for Democracy

In 1971, the people of Bangladesh protested and agitated against the exploitation, corruption, and discrimination by West Pakistan, leading to a bloody war known as the Liberation War of Bangladesh. The nine-month-long war caused much destruction, loss of life, and countless rapes. On December 16, 1971, Bangladesh emerged as an independent country. Even before this, in 1952, the people of this region protested to have Bangla recognized as one of the state languages of Pakistan. On February 21, 1952, several students and civilians were killed during this movement. In their memory and on behalf of all mother languages, February 21 is now recognized by the United Nations as International Mother Language Day.

The Liberation War aimed to establish a sovereign People’s Republic of Bangladesh based on equality, human dignity, and social justice. However, the expectations of a secular and democratic Bangladesh were not fulfilled by those who came to power after independence, particularly the Awami League, the leading organization in the Liberation War. During their government, the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution abolished all existing political parties and introduced a one-party system called BAKSHAL (Bangladesh Farmer Workers Awami League), a modified form of the Awami League. Only four newspapers were allowed to operate. The ruling Awami League, later BAKSHAL, and Bangabandhu’s extended family began to behave in a domineering and tyrannical manner. Political repression, assassinations, censorship, and blasphemy were rampant during this period. Dissident politician Siraj Sikder was killed, and poet Daud Haider was sent into exile on charges of blasphemy. These incidents created widespread unrest and fear in Bangladesh. Soon after, a military uprising led to the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and most of his family on August 15, 1975. His daughters, Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, survived due to the fact that they were in Germany at the time.

From 1975 to 1990, Bangladesh was governed by those who led the coup, including military rulers and military leaders who transformed into politicians. During this period, there were numerous coup and counter-coup attempts, particularly during General Zia’s regime (1976-1981). Martial law led to the execution of many military personnel, and politicians were imprisoned and tortured. General Zia reintroduced the multi-party parliamentary system in 1978 but was assassinated in 1981 by a military coup, although the coup was unsuccessful. His party remained in power until 1982, when another military chief, General Ershad, seized power and imposed martial law.

In December 1990, a strong student-mass movement forced General Ershad, who had transitioned from a military ruler to a politician, to relinquish power. Ershad had added Islam to the constitution as the state religion, a change that still exists today. After the fall of Ershad, the public expected Bangladesh to move towards democracy, but the country’s political landscape remained troubled.

In 1991, fair and acceptable elections were held in Bangladesh under a neutral caretaker government. As a result of that election, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party won and came to power. However, instead of devoting politics to the welfare of the people, the ruling party soon became characterized by opportunism, corruption, feudalism, and a shelter for terrorist influencers. The opposition focused more on street agitation than on constructive parliamentary debates. The ruling BNP, with a majority in Parliament, abolished the caretaker government system and returned to power in a one-sided election. But in the face of pressure and protests from the Awami League and other opposition parties, the BNP was forced to restore the caretaker government system and dissolve the parliament.

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The Rise of Sheikh Hasina and Continued Instability

In 1996, national elections were held under a caretaker government, an election that was, according to observers, conducted fairly. This election resulted in the Awami League’s return to power, this time under the leadership of Bangabandhu’s daughter, Sheikh Hasina. However, democracy did not take root in Bangladesh. Instead, a politics of revenge and division emerged. The people of Bangladesh, who had repeatedly demonstrated courage to stand up against tyranny and had shown resilience in the face of natural and other calamities, did not see the effective democracy and political stability they had hoped for. During her rule from 1996 to 2001, there was no effective Parliament and no constructive role from opposition parties.

In 2001, the eighth national parliament election was held under the caretaker government, resulting in the election of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. During their rule from 2001 to 2007, several noteworthy events took place. Among the most notable incidents was the discovery of two armed extremist Islamists: Banglabhai and Shaikh Abdur Rahman, and their networks. Another significant event was the deadly grenade attack on Sheikh Hasina at an Awami League public meeting, which left Sheikh Hasina injured and many killed. The recovery of 10 truckloads of weapons, which were discharged at the CUFL Special Jetty of Uriara Fertilizer Factory in Chittagong Port, also created a stir at the national and international level. According to newspaper reports, the weapons were smuggled for the Indian separatist outfit ULFA. These events later became decisive for local and global politics in Bangladesh.

A caretaker government was supposed to be formed after the government’s term ended in 2006, as per constitutional rules, but complications arose. The Awami League, the main opposition party at the time, rejected the proposed candidates for the head of the caretaker government and began a protest. This protest eventually escalated into a violent clash between the government and opposition parties, resulting in many deaths and injuries.

During this period of unrest and instability, a civilian caretaker government was formed on January 11, 2007, under military supervision. This government remained in power until January 2009 but effectively operated as a shadow military regime. During this time, numerous anti-corruption campaigns were conducted. However, it was later revealed that military officers involved in these operations extorted money from many individuals through threats of detention.

BNP president and former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, along with Awami League president and former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, were arrested during this army-backed caretaker government. Political leaders from all parties, as well as a significant number of businessmen, were arrested regardless of their affiliations. In response to various international pressures and debt negotiations, this government organized a general election in which the Bangladesh Awami League won a clear majority. However, many analysts believe that India, the dominant force in regional politics in South Asia, directly influenced the outcome of this election.

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Sheikh Hasina’s Authoritarian Rule (2009-2024)

In 2009, when the Awami League came to power again under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina, the people – especially the youth – had high expectations for comprehensive state reforms and effective democracy. However, Sheikh Hasina has proved to be the most powerful dictator the nation has ever experienced. Her 15-year rule was marked by authoritarianism, electoral manipulation, corruption, and suppression of dissent. Her government abolished the caretaker government system through a controversial Supreme Court judgment, leading to three questionable elections (2014, 2018, 2024) in which the Awami League claimed absolute victory. These elections came to be known as voterless, night polls, and dummy elections.

During Sheikh Hasina’s rule, there was strong partisanship everywhere at the public and private levels, including elections, commissions, law enforcement agencies (especially the police), university administrations, financial institutions, and even in promotions and appointments, which were often based on political loyalty.

In a well-planned manner, using political influence and state resources, thousands of crores of rupees were disbursed from the country’s banks by presenting fake projects associated with Sheikh Hasina and her close allies. Information later emerged revealing that most of this money was smuggled abroad. Even the Reserve of Bangladesh Central Bank was subject to money laundering, with allegations pointing to Sheikh Hasina’s son.

Over the last 15 years, Sheikh Hasina has suppressed dissent with extreme brutality, aiming to eliminate any opposition. Many ordinary citizens, including opposition politicians, have become victims of her cruelty and harsh tactics. Former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia was imprisoned from 2018 until the day Sheikh Hasina fled, on charges related to a money laundering case. It is said that for the past 15 years, no crow in Bangladesh would have dared to crow without the finger of Sheikh Hasina.

A significant event during her tenure was the war crimes trials related to the Bangladesh Liberation War. While these trials were praised by some, there were also allegations of non-compliance with international war crimes laws. Additionally, those accused of assassinating Bangabandhu in 1975 were executed during her time in office. Another notable event was the mutiny in the Border Guard Bangladesh, which resulted in the deaths of 57 army officers. The aftermath of these riots and killings continues to impact Bangladesh’s military and politics.

During Sheikh Hasina’s 15-year rule, various Islamist militant groups emerged in Bangladesh, notably those responsible for attacking and killing bloggers, writers, and publishers. According to various sources, these killings were orchestrated by the military intelligence agency, which recruited and trained youth inspired by Islamist militant ideologies, supplying them with funds and weapons to target and eliminate specific individuals. Many bloggers, authors, publishers, activists, and minorities were attacked or killed in this way. This strategy was allegedly used to gain support from the US and the West, with the Hasina government attempting to portray itself as the only viable force capable of combating Islamist militancy in the country.

From 2009 to August 5, 2024, Sheikh Hasina’s government was marked by authoritarian behavior, corruption, partisanship, and repression, which cannot be fully captured in a few thousand words. Once considered a proponent of democracy, Sheikh Hasina, upon gaining power, began trampling on democratic values. Her behavior and speech became increasingly arrogant, as if she were the sole owner of the country. One of her favorite statements was, “My father made the country.” However, her single-minded pursuit of power led her to compromise with various conflicting groups. For example, while her government persecuted and arrested leaders and activists of an Islamist organization called Hefazat-e-Islam, many of whom disappeared, Sheikh Hasina also provided them with various benefits.

Besides this, Sheikh Hasina relied heavily on the support of neighboring India, the loyalty of the military, and the arbitrary actions of the police and other law enforcement agencies. She proved herself to be India’s most trusted ally by granting trade, transit, and military facilities as demanded by India. While other South Asian countries maintained formal relations with India, Sheikh Hasina’s Bangladesh remained its only ally.

India’s unwavering support, coupled with the military’s loyalty and the unexpected success in suppressing dissent through a party-controlled police force, ensured Sheikh Hasina’s prolonged hold on power. Moreover, the administration and institutions were so deeply entrenched in partisan loyalty and corruption that there seemed to be no risk of any challenges arising. All this led to an inflated pride and arrogance in Sheikh Hasina, who believed that quelling any movement or protest was within her grasp.

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Hasina’s Unraveling and Bangladesh’s Uncertain Future

However, under authoritarianism, monopoly, and one-party rule, people are deprived of freedom of speech, tortured for dissent, discriminated against, and denied their right to vote. The country’s economy suffers due to unsustainable plans and mismanagement, burdened by debt in the name of development. The judicial system lacks independence, and people do not receive justice. The government remains in conflict with many and compromises with others to stay in power. A kind of vacuum is created due to the absence of normal political and cultural activities in the country, which ultimately fosters radicalization and extremism. Over the last 15 years, the anger and resentment that had accumulated among the public exploded on August 5 in Bangladesh. Sheikh Hasina and her government were unable to withstand the shock of this mass uprising.

Sheikh Hasina has fled. Security experts believe it would have been almost impossible to save her from mobs had she remained in the country. However, her government left Bangladesh in deep crises in multiple ways. A huge debt burden from poorly judged development projects has now become the biggest challenge for Bangladesh's economy. Then, flash floods in significant parts of the country added another major shock. The administration has yet to begin functioning properly after the upheaval caused by party loyalties and changes in government, many of which have left gaps in regular operations. The biggest issue lies with the police force, which has resumed only 25 percent of its normal operations. Additionally, there is evidence of efforts by the administration to thwart the organized popular uprising. Many believe there may be internal conflict within the army as well. Moreover, there has been a significant rise in Islamic fundamentalist groups across the country. All in all, it cannot be said that the interim government is in a favorable position to handle its responsibilities. Organizers of the anti-discrimination student movement are now working with Nobel Peace Prize winner Dr. Muhammad Yunus, the current head of the interim government, to implement reforms both inside and outside the government. However, it remains to be seen how the ongoing economic crisis, the rapid rise of right-wing and fundamentalist politics, and fluctuating relations with India will affect Bangladesh's future and path to democracy.

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About the author: Ahmedur Chowdhury

Ahmedur Chowdhury, known as Tutul, is a publisher, writer, and editor from Bangladesh. In 1990, Chowdhury began publishing and editing Shuddhashar (Free Voice), a magazine that soon became a platform for young and unconventional writers in Bangladesh. Chowdhury opened his own publishing house in Dhaka in 2004 under the same name, where he primarily printed works of progressive Bangladeshi writers. In 2013, the publishing house was awarded the Shaheed Munir Chowdhury Award for publishing the highest number of quality books in Bangladesh and is considered one of the most important publishing houses in the country. In October 2015, Chowdhury was a victim of a coordinated machete attack on publishers of secular authors. Chowdhury had received direct death threats from Islamists and was among the main targets of the attack. Despite these threats, Chowdhury continued to publish, including books written by Avijit Roy, who was murdered in February 2015. Chowdhury currently lives in exile in Norway. He has been an invited guest speaker at several programs and universities, including the Oslo Freedom Forum in Oslo, Norway; the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva; Universidad Francisco Marroquín in Guatemala; Furman University in Greenville, South Carolina; Augsburg University in Minneapolis; and the University of Oslo. He has been a participant in the Salzburg Global Seminar and the PEN Belgium´s writers fellowship program. Chowdhury’s work and courage have been honored with several awards and recognitions, including Norwegian PEN´s Ossietzky Prize (2018), Prix Voltaire Shortlist Nominee (2018), International Freedom to Publish Award Finalist (2016),  American Publishers Association's Jeri Labor International Freedom to Publish Award (2016), and English PEN Pinter International Writer of Courage Award (2016).